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[SMM Analysis] Europe Seeks Lithium Supply Chain Independence, Yet Its Projects Attract Asian Investors
Europe is accelerating the build-out of a domestic lithium supply chain, but an apparently contradictory pattern is emerging: even as Europe tries to reduce its dependence on Asian lithium supply chains, some of its own domestic lithium projects are actively seeking Asian strategic capital. German geothermal lithium developer Vulcan Energy recently released the pre-feasibility study (PFS) for the second phase of Project Ludwig, targeting roughly 21,100 tonnes per year of battery-grade lithium carbonate, and has launched a process to bring in strategic investors. The company has said that some of the potential investor interest it has received so far is coming from Asia — though it has not disclosed the identity of these parties, the scale of interest, or how that disclosure should be read. Set against the project's 21,100 tonnes of planned capacity, this shift in the source of capital may be the more important signal for the lithium market. Vulcan's situation reflects a broader phase shift now underway in Europe's lithium industry. Over the past few years, against the backdrop of the EU's push to localize critical raw material supply chains, the market's attention has mostly been on whether Europe "has lithium" — how much resource has been discovered, which projects have secured permits, how much lithium carbonate or hydroxide capacity has been planned. But as more projects move from resource exploration into PFS, DFS, financing and construction, the question is shifting from "is there resource" to "can that resource actually become supply." Resource size and planned capacity are only the starting point of project development; capital, customers, product qualification and long-term sales arrangements are becoming the variables that actually decide whether a European lithium project enters the global supply curve. This is the backdrop for Vulcan's search for a strategic investor. The company's first-phase Lionheart project, targeting roughly 24,000 tonnes per year of lithium hydroxide, closed approximately €2.2 billion in financing in 2026, combining equity capital, government support, and funding from the European Investment Bank and commercial banks. Moving into the second phase, Project Ludwig is targeting roughly 21,100 tonnes per year of battery-grade lithium carbonate, with the PFS estimating total capital expenditure of approximately €1.26 billion. For a project with capex above €1 billion, a long construction timeline, and exposure to both technical ramp-up risk and lithium price cyclicality, completing a PFS does not mean the project has become a certain future source of supply. Who provides the equity, who buys the future output, who bears the price risk, and why banks are willing to extend long-term project financing will all directly determine whether the project ultimately reaches FID and construction. This is also why Asian strategic capital may matter to European lithium projects for reasons well beyond simply providing funds. A typical financial investor mainly provides equity; industrial capital from battery makers, battery-material producers or large integrated trading houses can also bring long-term offtake, product qualification, downstream customer relationships and commercialization experience. For a lithium project that needs substantial debt financing, all of these factors ultimately feed into the project's bankability. If a battery company with strong credit standing enters a project early and signs a long-term purchase agreement, the visibility of the project's future revenue improves, and commercial banks and policy lenders become more willing to underwrite the project's risk. What Asian capital can actually offer, then, may not be a simple injection of money, but a bundled commercial package of equity, long-term offtake, customer qualification and demand assurance. Seen this way, the development path for European lithium projects is also changing. The market has traditionally tracked a project's progress along "resource — feasibility study — financing — construction — production," but for today's European projects, several critical commercialization steps sit in between: after resource and technical validation, a project needs to secure product qualification, bring in strategic capital, and lock in long-term offtake, and only then can it use those conditions to unlock debt financing and move toward FID and construction. In other words, resource alone cannot convert directly into effective supply — a project first has to complete the transition from a geological asset to a financeable one. This is not unique to Vulcan. Portugal's Barroso and Finland's Keliber are also advancing their own project financing and long-term offtake arrangements. But the verifiable detail on capital structure and Asian capital participation at those projects is still limited, so whether this pattern is actually general — rather than a feature of Vulcan specifically — needs more project-level data before it can be extrapolated from a couple of cases. "European supply chain autonomy" and "Asian capital coming in" are therefore not in absolute conflict. The EU's push to localize critical raw material supply chains is aimed more at raising Europe's own capacity for resource development, processing and recycling, and reducing reliance on any single external supply chain — not at requiring every European lithium project to be 100% European-owned. From a supply-security standpoint, "overseas resource → Asian processing → Asian materials → European imports" and "European resource → European lithium extraction and processing → European battery supply chain" are two entirely different supply structures. Even if the second structure includes an Asian strategic shareholder, as long as resource development and processing capacity sit in Europe, and a meaningful share of output serves European downstream demand, Europe's physical dependence on imported lithium products can still fall. What genuinely deserves attention is that "autonomy" itself needs to be broken apart further. Resource autonomy, processing autonomy, capital autonomy, technology autonomy and customer autonomy are not the same thing. What Europe is currently most likely to achieve first is the geographic localization of resource and processing capacity, while capital, customers and part of the commercialization capability will still depend on the global market. That can produce a structure that looks contradictory but is actually consistent with industrial logic: Europe using Asian capital and Asia's mature battery supply chain capability to build a domestic supply chain that is, on net, less dependent on imported Asian lithium products. There is another possibility here that is easy to overlook: Asian capital entering European lithium projects may not only be there to support "European supply chain autonomy" — it may also be there to lock in where future output goes. If the accompanying long-term offtake ultimately serves cell capacity that Asian battery makers are building inside Europe, then even though the lithium resource stays geographically in Europe, demand-side control, pricing power and the customer relationship still sit with Asian industrial capital. Running the logic of this piece in reverse makes the same point: who signs the offtake and who bears the price risk determines real control more than where the resource physically sits — and that logic applies just as much to assessing how much "autonomy" is actually achieved once Asian capital has entered a European project. Underneath this is a more fundamental question: who bears the commodity-cycle risk on European lithium projects. Compared with some South American brine operations and the mature Australian hard-rock-to-Asian-conversion system, European projects typically face higher construction, labor, energy and environmental costs. If a project only earns a reasonable return at elevated lithium prices, then financial institutions extending long-term financing have to ask whether project cash flow can still cover debt once lithium carbonate re-enters a low-price cycle. Government subsidies, low-cost loans, financing guarantees, long-term offtake, and any future price-support mechanism are, at bottom, all addressing the same problem — reducing a project's exposure to the lithium price cycle and raising the certainty of its long-term cash flow. This also means that, going forward, evaluating a European lithium project on cash cost alone is probably not enough. A European project with higher on-paper operating costs but government support, low-cost financing, long-term offtake and a high-credit strategic shareholder can have a materially higher probability of actually entering effective supply than a lower-cost greenfield project that lacks infrastructure, customers and financing support. Seen this way, alongside the traditional operating cost curve, the global lithium industry may need to add a "risk-adjusted financing curve" — one that judges not only who can produce lithium more cheaply, but who can actually build the capacity out at a lower cost of capital and lower project risk. Concretely, this curve would need to incorporate at least four variables: the discount in cost of capital that policy-linked funding offers relative to commercial capital, the share of capacity covered by long-term offtake, the tenor and guarantee structure of debt financing, and whether equity investors bring industrial synergy rather than a purely financial-return objective. Public information is not yet sufficient to score Project Ludwig against these variables, which is itself a key gap to track going forward. This matters in particular for global lithium supply research. Incremental European supply has traditionally been assessed starting from resource size, planned capacity and target production dates, but as projects move further into commercialization, that method risks systematically overstating some projects' effective supply. A project planning 50,000 tonnes of capacity with no committed customers, strategic shareholders or debt financing, and a project planning 20,000 tonnes with long-term offtake, government support and project financing already in place, clearly do not carry the same probability of entering the future supply curve. European supply weighting therefore needs to move from the traditional "resource — capacity" model to a "resource — commercialization — financing — effective supply" model. This path is not without risk. EU foreign direct investment screening for critical raw materials, and golden-share mechanisms in some member states, could in principle restrict Asian capital from acquiring strategically significant stakes in lithium projects — particularly against a tightening geopolitical backdrop. If regulatory tightening meaningfully raises the bar for Asian strategic capital entering European lithium projects, the viability of the combined path this piece describes — European resource autonomy plus Asian capital plus Asian industrial-chain capability — would weaken, European projects could again find it harder to secure long-term capital and offtake, and the financing step in the "resource — commercialization — financing — effective supply" model above would carry correspondingly greater uncertainty. Seen from this angle, Vulcan's search for a strategic investor for Project Ludwig is not simply another European lithium project needing financing. It reflects Europe's lithium industry moving from a first stage of "finding resource" into a second stage of "finding the capital and industrial-chain partners that can commercialize that resource." Asia's advantage in the global lithium-battery supply chain may, as a result, extend further upstream — from processing and manufacturing into the capital, offtake and commercialization steps of upstream projects themselves. European lithium supply chain autonomy may therefore ultimately not be a simple process of "Europe decoupling from Asia." The more realistic path may be one in which Europe uses policy-linked capital to reduce project risk, uses the global financial system to fund the large capex requirement, and uses Asian industrial capital, customers and offtake to improve project bankability — with the end result of keeping more resource development and processing capacity inside Europe. Europe is reducing its dependence on Asian lithium products, but that does not mean it can, or needs to, simultaneously reduce its dependence on Asian capital and industrial capability. This also raises a question that deserves more attention in global lithium resource research: determining who actually controls a given lithium resource may no longer be a matter of mining rights and equity stakes alone. Who provides the capital, who signs the offtake, who bears the price risk, who holds product qualification, and where the final product ends up — these may say more about real control over the global lithium supply chain than the nominal equity split on a project. Three information gaps remain open for tracking: the identity of the potential Asian investors, the scale of their intended investment, and the source and date of that disclosure; whether the capital structure and degree of Asian capital participation at Barroso, Keliber and similar projects are actually comparable to Vulcan's, rather than superficially similar; and the offtake coverage ratio, debt tenor and policy-capital discount that Project Ludwig would need to move from PFS to FID. Until these gaps are closed, the framework proposed here remains directional rather than a finished quantitative conclusion about European lithium supply. yangle@smm.cn
16 hours ago
[SMM Analysis] Europe Seeks Lithium Supply Chain Independence, Yet Its Projects Attract Asian Investors
Wall Street Keeps Buying Gold. Washington Keeps Sending Mixed Signals.
Wall Street Keeps Buying Gold. Washington Keeps Sending Mixed Signals.
Published: 09-01-2026, 11:38 am Gold slipped to $4,374 Tuesday morning, down 1.65%. Silver fell to $65.14, down 2.12%. Traders are pricing in a Fed rate hike this month. But look past today’s tape, and a different story emerges. Five separate signals out of Wall Street and Washington this week point the same direction: institutions are quietly betting on gold, even as today’s data argues against it. Here’s the common thread connecting a wobbling bond market, a surging ETF, a widening silver deficit, a hawkish options desk, and this morning’s jobs numbers. Is Bessent’s Bond-Buyback Plan Already Losing Its Grip? The 30-year Treasury yield climbed back to 5.27% on Tuesday, according to Bloomberg. That nearly erases the entire drop that followed Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent’s mid-August decision to double the size of the government’s long-bond buyback program, when the yield fell from 5.26% to as low as 5.18%. That program does not even start until September 9. The mechanism matters more than the headline. Treasury buybacks reduce the supply of long bonds hitting the market, which can pull yields down temporarily. What buybacks cannot do is shrink the deficit that keeps issuing new debt behind the scenes. Our earlier look at the buyback’s funding source found the same pattern: a liquidity tool dressed up as a rate-control tool. A fix this size reversed by the market in under three weeks, before it even launched, is not noise. That is the market pricing the underlying fiscal math, not the intervention. Why Did Gold Funds Just Log Their Biggest Weekly Inflow in 10 Months? Bank of America’s latest fund-flow data tell a clear story. Gold-backed ETFs added $6.4 billion in holdings during a single week in August. That is the largest one-week gain in roughly ten months, and the strongest since October 2025. BofA strategist Michael Hartnett has continued to flag gold as insurance against dollar weakness and currency debasement. Crucially, the bank’s data show this was not an isolated spike. The four-week moving average of flows is rising too, which means the buying is broad-based, not one large investor’s single trade. Institutional money tends to move ahead of retail sentiment. So when flow data turns before the headlines do, that is usually the more reliable signal. Can the Silver Deficit Widen Even as Solar Demand Falls 19%? Yes, and that is exactly what is happening. The Silver Institute now projects a global silver deficit of 46.3 million ounces for 2026, wider than 2025’s shortfall of 40.3 million ounces, even as solar-panel manufacturers cut silver use by close to 19% this year. Companies including LONGi, Jinko, and Aiko are shifting toward copper-based contacts to use less silver per panel. Here is why the deficit still grows anyway: mine supply is shrinking faster than demand is falling. Roughly three-quarters of the world’s silver comes as a byproduct of mining other metals, so miners cannot simply ramp up production when silver prices rise. Silver was also added to the US critical minerals list in late 2025, and a White House tariff review due back by mid-July has not produced a public resolution, underscoring how supply-constrained this market already looks to policymakers. Our allocated-versus-ETF silver piece covers the ownership side of that same squeeze. Is Goldman’s Own Options Desk Betting Against a Selloff? According to Goldman Sachs derivatives strategist Brian Garrett, the options market looks unusually one-sided right now. Demand for gold call options is high. Meanwhile, almost nobody wants downside protection through puts. Garrett reads Fed Chair Kevin Warsh’s Jackson Hole message as hawkish. Yet Goldman’s own house view still expects the Fed to hold rates rather than hike. Even so, Garrett’s recommendation is to stay long gold. He favors option structures built to avoid overpaying for that increasingly expensive call skew, rather than backing off the position. This is a specific and useful signal. A derivatives desk making that call, on the same trading floor whose economists expect no September hike, means even a bank’s own risk-takers see more upside than downside in gold from here. What Do This Morning’s ISM and JOLTS Numbers Really Show? The Institute for Supply Management reported Tuesday that its Manufacturing PMI slipped to 54.6% in August, down from July’s 55.6%. Meanwhile, its New Orders Index dropped three points to 53.7%. The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported the same morning that job openings fell to 7.271 million in July. That is below the 7.3 million economists expected, and down from June’s 7.359 million. Both readings point toward a labor market and factory sector that are cooling, gradually, not collapsing. Yet CME FedWatch data still show roughly two-thirds odds of a September rate hike, up sharply from about 40% a week ago. In other words, the data are softening while the rate-hike odds are rising. That gap, between what the numbers actually show and what markets are pricing, is exactly what the Fed will have to explain at its September 15-16 meeting, less than two weeks from today. Why Does This Matter for What You Own? No single signal here is loud enough to move gold’s live price alone. Together, though, they describe a system under strain. The government’s fiscal-repair tools wear off in weeks. Real institutions are adding gold at the fastest pace in nearly a year. And the desks paid to price risk lean toward more upside than downside. Together, that is the structural case for owning gold and silver. It is not one crisis, but a system where every fix costs something else. Physical metal outside that system holds its value, regardless of which fix Washington tries next. Watch September 9, when the doubled buyback program launches. Then watch September 15-16, when the Fed has to reconcile cooling data with rising hike odds. Source: https://goldsilver.com/industry-news/goldsilver-news/wall-street-buying-gold-washington-mixed-signals/
Sep 2, 2026 15:22
Soaring coal prices halt magnesium market stalemate, but meaningful recovery unlikely until inventories are digested
Soaring coal prices halt magnesium market stalemate, but meaningful recovery unlikely until inventories are digested
As August began, the magnesium market appeared trapped in a prolonged stalemate.The production-cut tailwinds from July faded, and primary magnesium supply steadily recovered. Meanwhile, overlapping with the overseas summer lull and the domestic die-casting off-season, downstream orders were scarce and purchasing sentiment hit rock bottom.
Sep 3, 2026 20:28
[SMM Analysis] China Is No Longer Exporting Just Steel to Southeast Asia
For decades, the image of Chinese steel “going global” was straightforward: coils, billets, rebar and wire rod were loaded at Chinese ports, shipped across the sea and delivered to traders, processors and end users in Southeast Asia. Today, the steel is no longer travelling alone. Chinese investment capital, production equipment, technical expertise and management systems have followed it overseas. In Malaysia, this transition can be seen in integrated steelmaking projects such as Alliance Steel and Eastern Steel. The destination of an exported steel cargo is an overseas customer. The destination of exported production capacity is a local mill capable of supplying that customer repeatedly. China’s steel relationship with Southeast Asia is consequently moving from “selling steel there” towards “making steel there.” That shift raises a harder quantitative question: is Chinese-backed capacity moving closer to Southeast Asian demand, or is it creating another market in which capacity may grow faster than consumption? The numbers behind the story 131 million tonnes: China’s steel exports reached a record in 2025 under the OECD’s reporting scope, more than two and a half times the 2020 level. 48.0%: China supplied almost half of Malaysia’s steel imports by volume in 2025, far exceeding every other individual origin. 8.2 million tonnes: Malaysia’s apparent steel consumption in 2025, alongside real consumption of 8.3 million tonnes. Both increased only moderately despite the country’s expanding production base. Together, these figures reveal an increasingly asymmetrical relationship. Malaysia remains heavily dependent on Chinese steel, but its domestic market absorbs only around 8 million tonnes annually and utilisation remains uneven across the production chain. As Chinese-backed capacity expands inside Malaysia, the challenge is shifting from accessing the market to finding enough demand for both imported and locally produced steel. China’s export boom explains why steelmakers are looking overseas China remains the world’s largest steel producer and exporter. According to the OECD’s Steel Outlook 2026 , Chinese steel exports reached a record 131 million tonnes in 2025, representing an increase of 153% from 2020. That rise provided an outlet for Chinese production as domestic steel demand weakened, but it also accelerated the use of anti-dumping measures, safeguards and other trade restrictions across global markets. The larger China’s export presence became, the more politically and commercially difficult it became to depend on exports alone. Overseas investment offers a different route into the same end markets. Instead of producing every tonne in China and carrying the full cost and risk of cross-border finished-steel trade, a steelmaker can participate in local production, move closer to customers and become part of the destination country’s industrial supply chain. This does not mean direct exports will disappear. It means exports and overseas production are increasingly operating side by side. Southeast Asia is becoming a production base, not only an import market Southeast Asia has traditionally been viewed as a growth market for exporters. Infrastructure development, urbanisation and manufacturing investment supported steel demand, while gaps in domestic product availability were filled by imports. The region is now changing from an import destination into a major location for new steelmaking capacity. This changes the commercial question. Chinese exporters are no longer competing only against Japanese, South Korean, Vietnamese or other Chinese cargoes. They increasingly face steel produced inside Southeast Asia, including output from mills backed by Chinese capital. The shift is particularly important because new steel plants have long operating lives. A shipment affects the market when it arrives. A new integrated mill can influence raw-material demand, domestic pricing, import requirements and export flows for decades. Malaysia is reshaping its imports, not eliminating them Malaysia’s steel market is expanding, but demand is growing only moderately. Apparent steel consumption rose from 7.0 million tonnes in 2021 to 8.2 million tonnes in 2025—an increase of around 17% over four years—and is forecast to reach 8.4 million tonnes in 2026. Real consumption reached 8.3 million tonnes in 2025, slightly above apparent consumption, indicating that a limited drawdown in inventories helped meet end-user demand. The capacity data show why rising consumption has not translated into broad-based strength across Malaysian mills. Utilisation remained highly uneven in 2025. HRC utilisation rose from zero to 33%, coinciding with the commissioning of new domestic capacity, while DRI/HBI increased from 19% to 32%. In contrast, utilisation declined from 96% to 83% for hot metal and pig iron, from 54% to 43% for billets, and from 49% to 40% for rolled long products. Plates operated at only 18%, while CRC, coated products and pipes recorded utilisation rates of 22%, 55% and 33%, respectively. This unevenness helps explain why Malaysia continues to import substantial volumes even as domestic capacity expands. China supplied 48% of Malaysia’s steel imports in 2025, far ahead of any other individual origin. Yet the composition of those imports changed materially. HRC’s share fell from 30.81% in 2024 to 23.96% in 2025, a decline of 6.85 percentage points, as new domestic HRC production entered the market. Over the same period, billet’s share jumped from 3.51% to 12.19%, an increase of 8.68 percentage points. The shift suggests that localisation is changing what Malaysia imports rather than eliminating its import requirements. Greater domestic HRC availability can reduce reliance on imported coils, while mills and rerollers may still require imported billets, specialised flat products and grades not produced locally in sufficient quantities. Malaysia is therefore becoming a larger producer while remaining a major importer. Trade measures reinforce this restructuring. Malaysia’s anti-dumping protection is concentrated in CRC, galvanised steel, tinplate and selected wire products, while HRC remains largely outside the main anti-dumping framework. These measures can redirect purchases towards alternative suppliers, exempt producers or different products, but they do not remove the market’s underlying need for imported feedstock and specialised material. The Chinese-backed mills changing Malaysia’s supply structure Two projects illustrate the transition from steel exports to steelmaking investment. Alliance Steel, located in the Malaysia–China Kuantan Industrial Park, is a China-invested integrated steel producer and one of Malaysia’s largest steel facilities. Its existing annual capacity is reported at approximately 3.5 million tonnes, covering products including bars, wire rod and sections. The company previously announced a second-phase expansion intended to raise capacity to 10 million tonnes per year and widen its product range. If completed in full, that would add 6.5 million tonnes of capacity—an increase of approximately 186% from the existing level. Because the project is an expansion plan, however, the 10-million-tonne figure must not be presented as fully operational without updated confirmation from the company. Eastern Steel, located in Kemaman on the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia, is jointly invested by Beijing Jianlong Heavy Industry Group and Malaysia’s Hiap Teck Venture. It commissioned its hot-rolling line at the end of 2024. Eastern Steel currently discloses annual capacity of 2.58 million tonnes of HRC and 2.7 million tonnes of billet and slab, while the hot-strip mill itself has a stated design capacity of 3.5 million tonnes per year. The steel produced by these mills is melted and rolled in Malaysia. Their capital links may be Chinese, but their output enters the market as locally produced Malaysian steel under the applicable origin rules. Malaysia is trying to control the capacity it attracts Malaysia’s capacity challenge has become large enough to shape industrial policy. The biggest question is no longer simply whether the country can attract new steel investment, but whether domestic and regional demand can absorb the capacity already operating or under development. Figures presented with Malaysia’s steel-industry roadmap indicate that potential upstream capacity could reach 40.8 million tonnes by 2030, compared with projected domestic demand of 14.7 million tonnes. The difference is 26.1 million tonnes. Put another way, domestic demand would be equivalent to only around 36% of potential capacity, while capacity would be almost 2.8 times demand. The pressure was visible even before the full investment pipeline materialised. In 2023, Malaysia’s average steel capacity utilisation was estimated at 39.1%, compared with a global average of 75.7%. Utilisation varied considerably by product: hot metal and pig iron reached 70.6%, while DRI/HBI operated at 32.3%, slabs at 13.7%, plates at 24.7% and CRC at 18.1%. HRC utilisation was only 0.4%, reflecting Malaysia’s minimal domestic HRC production before Eastern Steel’s new rolling capacity entered the market. This imbalance helps explain MITI’s intervention. From 15 August 2023, the ministry imposed a two-year moratorium covering new manufacturing-licence applications, licence transfers, regularisation, expansion and diversification across much of the iron and steel industry. The policy was intended to pause indiscriminate capacity growth while the government reviewed the industry’s structure and aligned future investment with the New Industrial Master Plan 2030. The original moratorium was subsequently extended beyond August 2025. For upstream and midstream long steel, the restrictions are to remain until existing domestic producers approach an 80% utilisation rate. Restrictions on major flat-steel capacity expansion also continue, although the policy allows greater flexibility to address product shortages and rebalance unused long-steel licences towards flat products. The moratorium is therefore not a blanket prohibition on all steel investment. Since November 2024, 26 downstream product categories under HS73—including pipes, tubes, structures, containers, wire products and other fabricated goods—have been exempt. The distinction reveals the government’s intended direction: constrain further upstream and midstream duplication while encouraging downstream processing, higher-value products and investment that improves the industry’s product mix. For Chinese-backed steelmakers, this changes the logic of entering Malaysia. Future projects will be judged not only by their scale, but by whether they fill a domestic supply gap, improve utilisation, add downstream value or support lower-emission production. Malaysia still wants steel investment, but it is becoming more selective about which capacity it allows. This does not mean Malaysia will necessarily produce 40.8 million tonnes of steel. Capacity is not output, and announced projects can be postponed, downsized or cancelled. But if most of the proposed capacity is built, producers will still need to displace imports, accept low utilisation or export a larger share of their output. Quantitative takeaway: Malaysia’s 2023 utilisation rate of 39.1% was 36.6 percentage points below the global average. The moratorium turns the projected 2030 capacity gap from a theoretical market risk into an active licensing constraint, favouring product upgrading and downstream investment over further undifferentiated capacity expansion. HRC provides the first test of whether localisation can replace imports Hot-rolled coil offers a product-level example of how this transition works. Malaysia’s HRC demand was estimated at around 2 million tonnes in 2022 and was largely met by imports. Eastern Steel subsequently commissioned the country’s first major domestic HRC line. Its disclosed annual HRC capacity of 2.58 million tonnes is equivalent to approximately 129% of that historical demand estimate, while the hot-strip mill’s 3.5-million-tonne design capacity is equivalent to 175%. Those ratios are theoretical, not production forecasts. Actual HRC output depends on upstream slab availability, utilisation, product mix, qualification by downstream customers and the mill’s decision to sell slabs, billets or coils. Malaysia’s HRC demand has also changed since 2022. Even with those limitations, the comparison shows why Eastern Steel matters. Malaysia has moved from having almost no domestic HRC production to possessing enough nameplate rolling capacity to cover a substantial share and potentially all of its domestic requirements. The next question is whether local HRC can compete commercially with imports. Import replacement could eventually become export competition Localisation initially appears to be an import-substitution story. A Malaysian buyer who previously depended on imported HRC can now approach a domestic mill. A regional customer seeking wire rod or sections can consider Malaysian output alongside China-origin cargoes. But the 2030 capacity-demand gap suggests that import replacement cannot be the entire strategy. If domestic capacity expands faster than Malaysian demand, producers will need to sell more steel into Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines and other regional or international markets. At that point, Chinese investment in Malaysia may compete directly with exports from China—not because the companies have abandoned China, but because two production bases are pursuing the same regional order. A Thai wire rod buyer, for example, may receive one offer from a mill in China and another from a Malaysia-based producer backed by Chinese capital. The buyer will compare delivered cost, lead time, certification, payment terms and security of supply. Shareholder nationality will not automatically determine which supplier wins. What makes steel “Chinese”? When capital comes from China, raw materials are sourced globally, production takes place in Malaysia and the finished product is sold to Thailand or Singapore, labels such as “Chinese steel” and “Malaysian steel” no longer describe the entire supply chain. For customs purposes, origin is established under the applicable rules governing where and how a product was manufactured or processed. For corporate strategy, ownership, technology and management remain important. For the buyer, the decisive variables are usually more practical: price, quality, delivery, certification and reliability. The central issue is therefore not whether the output should still be called “Chinese steel.” It is that Chinese steelmakers are no longer influencing Southeast Asia solely through exports. They are becoming part of Southeast Asia’s domestic supply system. From selling steel overseas to making it overseas Chinese steelmakers exported a record volume in 2025 while trade barriers continued to multiply. Overseas production provides another way to participate in the markets that Chinese mills have historically served through exports. Malaysia shows both the opportunity and the contradiction in that strategy. Chinese-backed mills can move closer to customers, reduce parts of the delivery chain and supply products that Malaysia previously imported. At the same time, projected upstream capacity of 40.8 million tonnes would be almost 2.8 times the country’s expected demand in 2030. China’s overseas mills may therefore solve one market-access problem while creating another capacity problem. Their success will depend not simply on building furnaces and rolling lines, but on finding enough competitively priced orders to keep them operating. In the past, China sent ship after ship of steel to Southeast Asia. Today, what remains at the destination is a mill capable of producing the next shipload.
Sep 3, 2026 17:30
[SMM Analysis] EU Melt-and-Pour Rules Arrive: Carbon-Steel Supply Chain Faces a Once-in-a-Generation Reshuffle
Implementing Regulation (EU) 2026/1963, published 31 August and applying from 1 October, makes melt country and heat number mandatory data for every steel consignment entering the EU; layered onto the new country quotas and CBAM, it sorts exporters into those with a fallback, those holding a one-way ticket, and — for China, with zero country quota in the three largest flat categories — those whose tonnage may have nowhere to go from October 2027.
Sep 3, 2026 14:09

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Aug 25, 2026 14:39
Gazprom gas supplies to China via Power of Siberia pipeline return to winter highs in June - Chinese customs
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Aug 25, 2026 14:36
EBRD to help Tajikistan establish solar power market
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Aug 25, 2026 14:36
Uzbekistan launches 20 MW wind farm with Chinese support
TASHKENT. Aug 21 - Uzbekistan has put the 20 MW Chorbog wind farm in the Bostanlyk district of Tashkent region into operation, the country's Energy Ministry reported. "The Chorbog wind farm is completely ready for operation and is being launched for the 35th anniversary of Uzbekistan's independence. This project is another result of the strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and China," the ministry said. The government of China provided $28 million in interest-free grant financing for the project. The facility has four installed wind turbines with capacity of 5 MW each and is expected to generate up to 50 million kWh of electricity annually, which the ministry said is enough to power about 20,000 households. The operation of the wind farm will make it possible to save tens of thousands of cubic meters of natural gas annually and reduce greenhouse gas emissions, the ministry said.
Aug 25, 2026 14:31
UK proposes grid connection commitment fee for data centres, up to GBP 6.48 million/MW
Ofgem, the UK’s electricity market regulator, recently released a consultation paper proposing the introduction of a “grid connection commitment fee” for large data centre projects, with the aim of mandatorily accelerating project progress. The measure is intended to curb speculative projects that occupy scarce grid connection resources for extended periods, ensuring that viable projects with genuine progress can be prioritised and connected to the grid in a timely manner.
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Strait of Hormuz shipping disruption pushes Japan’s Q2 electricity prices up 30% year-on-year
According to Xinhua News Agency, the International Energy Agency recently reported that disruption to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz caused Japan’s average wholesale spot electricity price to reach USD 90 per 1,000 kWh in the second quarter of this year, up approximately 30% year-on-year. Kyodo News reported on August 1, citing the IEA report, that the disruption to LNG supply from the Middle East due to the shipping blockage in the Strait of Hormuz was responsible for this impact.
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Liberian power service provider appeals tariff adjustment decision to regulator
According to Liberia’s Inquirer newspaper on August 3, power service provider LIBENERGY formally submitted an appeal to the Liberia Electricity Regulatory Commission (LERC) on July 23, requesting the Commission to reconsider its tariff adjustment decision issued on July 6. The company argued that the new tariff not only reduces its core operating revenue but also lowers customer meter connection fees, potentially posing significant financial risks and operational challenges. The tariff adjustment approved by LERC took effect on August 1, reducing the electricity tariff from USD 0.25/kWh to USD 0.22/kWh, a 12% decrease; setting the monthly fixed charge at USD 1.5; and reducing the new single-phase customer connection fee from USD 110 to USD 40. LERC stated that the appeal is part of the statutory process and that the Commission will conduct a review in accordance with the law, while balancing consumer rights with the stable development of the power sector.
Aug 13, 2026 09:49
Cuba suffers two nationwide blackouts within 24 hours
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Brazil’s first dedicated energy storage tender sets record: 6,091 registrations, 296.8 GW
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【SMM PV News】Tesla to Purchase Entire 140 MWac Output from Lumen Farm Solar Plant in Texas
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[SMM Analysis] Europe Seeks Lithium Supply Chain Independence, Yet Its Projects Attract Asian Investors
[SMM Analysis] Europe Seeks Lithium Supply Chain Independence, Yet Its Projects Attract Asian Investors
Europe is accelerating the build-out of a domestic lithium supply chain, but an apparently contradictory pattern is emerging: even as Europe tries to reduce its dependence on Asian lithium supply chains, some of its own domestic lithium projects are actively seeking Asian strategic capital. German geothermal lithium developer Vulcan Energy recently released the pre-feasibility study (PFS) for the second phase of Project Ludwig, targeting roughly 21,100 tonnes per year of battery-grade lithium carbonate, and has launched a process to bring in strategic investors. The company has said that some of the potential investor interest it has received so far is coming from Asia — though it has not disclosed the identity of these parties, the scale of interest, or how that disclosure should be read. Set against the project's 21,100 tonnes of planned capacity, this shift in the source of capital may be the more important signal for the lithium market. Vulcan's situation reflects a broader phase shift now underway in Europe's lithium industry. Over the past few years, against the backdrop of the EU's push to localize critical raw material supply chains, the market's attention has mostly been on whether Europe "has lithium" — how much resource has been discovered, which projects have secured permits, how much lithium carbonate or hydroxide capacity has been planned. But as more projects move from resource exploration into PFS, DFS, financing and construction, the question is shifting from "is there resource" to "can that resource actually become supply." Resource size and planned capacity are only the starting point of project development; capital, customers, product qualification and long-term sales arrangements are becoming the variables that actually decide whether a European lithium project enters the global supply curve. This is the backdrop for Vulcan's search for a strategic investor. The company's first-phase Lionheart project, targeting roughly 24,000 tonnes per year of lithium hydroxide, closed approximately €2.2 billion in financing in 2026, combining equity capital, government support, and funding from the European Investment Bank and commercial banks. Moving into the second phase, Project Ludwig is targeting roughly 21,100 tonnes per year of battery-grade lithium carbonate, with the PFS estimating total capital expenditure of approximately €1.26 billion. For a project with capex above €1 billion, a long construction timeline, and exposure to both technical ramp-up risk and lithium price cyclicality, completing a PFS does not mean the project has become a certain future source of supply. Who provides the equity, who buys the future output, who bears the price risk, and why banks are willing to extend long-term project financing will all directly determine whether the project ultimately reaches FID and construction. This is also why Asian strategic capital may matter to European lithium projects for reasons well beyond simply providing funds. A typical financial investor mainly provides equity; industrial capital from battery makers, battery-material producers or large integrated trading houses can also bring long-term offtake, product qualification, downstream customer relationships and commercialization experience. For a lithium project that needs substantial debt financing, all of these factors ultimately feed into the project's bankability. If a battery company with strong credit standing enters a project early and signs a long-term purchase agreement, the visibility of the project's future revenue improves, and commercial banks and policy lenders become more willing to underwrite the project's risk. What Asian capital can actually offer, then, may not be a simple injection of money, but a bundled commercial package of equity, long-term offtake, customer qualification and demand assurance. Seen this way, the development path for European lithium projects is also changing. The market has traditionally tracked a project's progress along "resource — feasibility study — financing — construction — production," but for today's European projects, several critical commercialization steps sit in between: after resource and technical validation, a project needs to secure product qualification, bring in strategic capital, and lock in long-term offtake, and only then can it use those conditions to unlock debt financing and move toward FID and construction. In other words, resource alone cannot convert directly into effective supply — a project first has to complete the transition from a geological asset to a financeable one. This is not unique to Vulcan. Portugal's Barroso and Finland's Keliber are also advancing their own project financing and long-term offtake arrangements. But the verifiable detail on capital structure and Asian capital participation at those projects is still limited, so whether this pattern is actually general — rather than a feature of Vulcan specifically — needs more project-level data before it can be extrapolated from a couple of cases. "European supply chain autonomy" and "Asian capital coming in" are therefore not in absolute conflict. The EU's push to localize critical raw material supply chains is aimed more at raising Europe's own capacity for resource development, processing and recycling, and reducing reliance on any single external supply chain — not at requiring every European lithium project to be 100% European-owned. From a supply-security standpoint, "overseas resource → Asian processing → Asian materials → European imports" and "European resource → European lithium extraction and processing → European battery supply chain" are two entirely different supply structures. Even if the second structure includes an Asian strategic shareholder, as long as resource development and processing capacity sit in Europe, and a meaningful share of output serves European downstream demand, Europe's physical dependence on imported lithium products can still fall. What genuinely deserves attention is that "autonomy" itself needs to be broken apart further. Resource autonomy, processing autonomy, capital autonomy, technology autonomy and customer autonomy are not the same thing. What Europe is currently most likely to achieve first is the geographic localization of resource and processing capacity, while capital, customers and part of the commercialization capability will still depend on the global market. That can produce a structure that looks contradictory but is actually consistent with industrial logic: Europe using Asian capital and Asia's mature battery supply chain capability to build a domestic supply chain that is, on net, less dependent on imported Asian lithium products. There is another possibility here that is easy to overlook: Asian capital entering European lithium projects may not only be there to support "European supply chain autonomy" — it may also be there to lock in where future output goes. If the accompanying long-term offtake ultimately serves cell capacity that Asian battery makers are building inside Europe, then even though the lithium resource stays geographically in Europe, demand-side control, pricing power and the customer relationship still sit with Asian industrial capital. Running the logic of this piece in reverse makes the same point: who signs the offtake and who bears the price risk determines real control more than where the resource physically sits — and that logic applies just as much to assessing how much "autonomy" is actually achieved once Asian capital has entered a European project. Underneath this is a more fundamental question: who bears the commodity-cycle risk on European lithium projects. Compared with some South American brine operations and the mature Australian hard-rock-to-Asian-conversion system, European projects typically face higher construction, labor, energy and environmental costs. If a project only earns a reasonable return at elevated lithium prices, then financial institutions extending long-term financing have to ask whether project cash flow can still cover debt once lithium carbonate re-enters a low-price cycle. Government subsidies, low-cost loans, financing guarantees, long-term offtake, and any future price-support mechanism are, at bottom, all addressing the same problem — reducing a project's exposure to the lithium price cycle and raising the certainty of its long-term cash flow. This also means that, going forward, evaluating a European lithium project on cash cost alone is probably not enough. A European project with higher on-paper operating costs but government support, low-cost financing, long-term offtake and a high-credit strategic shareholder can have a materially higher probability of actually entering effective supply than a lower-cost greenfield project that lacks infrastructure, customers and financing support. Seen this way, alongside the traditional operating cost curve, the global lithium industry may need to add a "risk-adjusted financing curve" — one that judges not only who can produce lithium more cheaply, but who can actually build the capacity out at a lower cost of capital and lower project risk. Concretely, this curve would need to incorporate at least four variables: the discount in cost of capital that policy-linked funding offers relative to commercial capital, the share of capacity covered by long-term offtake, the tenor and guarantee structure of debt financing, and whether equity investors bring industrial synergy rather than a purely financial-return objective. Public information is not yet sufficient to score Project Ludwig against these variables, which is itself a key gap to track going forward. This matters in particular for global lithium supply research. Incremental European supply has traditionally been assessed starting from resource size, planned capacity and target production dates, but as projects move further into commercialization, that method risks systematically overstating some projects' effective supply. A project planning 50,000 tonnes of capacity with no committed customers, strategic shareholders or debt financing, and a project planning 20,000 tonnes with long-term offtake, government support and project financing already in place, clearly do not carry the same probability of entering the future supply curve. European supply weighting therefore needs to move from the traditional "resource — capacity" model to a "resource — commercialization — financing — effective supply" model. This path is not without risk. EU foreign direct investment screening for critical raw materials, and golden-share mechanisms in some member states, could in principle restrict Asian capital from acquiring strategically significant stakes in lithium projects — particularly against a tightening geopolitical backdrop. If regulatory tightening meaningfully raises the bar for Asian strategic capital entering European lithium projects, the viability of the combined path this piece describes — European resource autonomy plus Asian capital plus Asian industrial-chain capability — would weaken, European projects could again find it harder to secure long-term capital and offtake, and the financing step in the "resource — commercialization — financing — effective supply" model above would carry correspondingly greater uncertainty. Seen from this angle, Vulcan's search for a strategic investor for Project Ludwig is not simply another European lithium project needing financing. It reflects Europe's lithium industry moving from a first stage of "finding resource" into a second stage of "finding the capital and industrial-chain partners that can commercialize that resource." Asia's advantage in the global lithium-battery supply chain may, as a result, extend further upstream — from processing and manufacturing into the capital, offtake and commercialization steps of upstream projects themselves. European lithium supply chain autonomy may therefore ultimately not be a simple process of "Europe decoupling from Asia." The more realistic path may be one in which Europe uses policy-linked capital to reduce project risk, uses the global financial system to fund the large capex requirement, and uses Asian industrial capital, customers and offtake to improve project bankability — with the end result of keeping more resource development and processing capacity inside Europe. Europe is reducing its dependence on Asian lithium products, but that does not mean it can, or needs to, simultaneously reduce its dependence on Asian capital and industrial capability. This also raises a question that deserves more attention in global lithium resource research: determining who actually controls a given lithium resource may no longer be a matter of mining rights and equity stakes alone. Who provides the capital, who signs the offtake, who bears the price risk, who holds product qualification, and where the final product ends up — these may say more about real control over the global lithium supply chain than the nominal equity split on a project. Three information gaps remain open for tracking: the identity of the potential Asian investors, the scale of their intended investment, and the source and date of that disclosure; whether the capital structure and degree of Asian capital participation at Barroso, Keliber and similar projects are actually comparable to Vulcan's, rather than superficially similar; and the offtake coverage ratio, debt tenor and policy-capital discount that Project Ludwig would need to move from PFS to FID. Until these gaps are closed, the framework proposed here remains directional rather than a finished quantitative conclusion about European lithium supply. yangle@smm.cn
16 hours ago
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